In the 70s BCE, after Sulla’s abdication, assemblies and contiones resumed center stage. Elites learned to choreograph the crowd’s shouts and hisses, even as the crowd learned its power. The echo under the Rostra grew louder than the scribes’ scratch in the Curia.
What Happened
Sulla retired in 79 BCE and died soon after. His paper constitution outlived him, but not his aura. In the Forum, voices began to climb again, bouncing between the Basilica Aemilia and the Curia, off the Capitoline’s steps and the Palatine’s slope. Conciones returned, the managed tumult where popular will was forged in words and gestures [10][11][15].
The assemblies still met in the Campus Martius and the Saepta, their voting bridges rediscovered by feet that had learned to run for shelter. Orators learned positions where the ruins of the Curia cast shade on midday; aides learned when to seed applause and when to hiss. Morstein‑Marx and Millar describe this choreography: leaders shepherding their clients to the right stones, the right moments, the right slogans [10][11].
Elites adjusted to the new normal by becoming stage managers. Laws were introduced with processions; jurors were courted with stories; grain distributions were announced with fanfare near the Tiber’s warehouses. The bronze sound of a trumpet could silence a jeer; a whispered rumor in the Basilica’s cool could drown a speech. Politics became a craft of acoustics and timing as much as argument [10][11][15].
Meanwhile, the senate—expanded by Sulla—found that mass politics could not be contained by procedure alone. Men like Pompey moved between Curia and contio with ease, and younger figures, including Julius Caesar, watched and learned. The Subura, the slope of the Aventine, the clatter of hooves on the Via Sacra when processions passed—these were as much parts of the constitution as any clause.
By the decade’s end, a hybrid had emerged. Sulla’s curbs on tribunes still stood, but their spirit frayed. The people in the street, the voters at the Saepta, and the veterans in outlying colonies formed a public that could be reached and used. It did not yet have a single owner. That contest would define the 50s [10][11][15].
Why This Matters
The post‑Sullan years proved that the crowd could not be written out of the republic. Contiones again made and unmade reputations; assemblies again shaped statutes. Oligarchs learned to act as impresarios of mass politics, bending the techniques of populares to their own ends [10][11][15].
This return to the streets also showed the limits of Sulla’s legalism. Tribunician powers and jury compositions mattered, but their force depended on public acceptance manufactured in the open air. The stagecraft of the Forum thus became the real arena, with law as script and oratory as performance [10][11].
The recalibration set the scene for Caesar’s rise. A politician who could marry Sulla’s lesson—force decides—with Gaius Gracchus’ lesson—crowds decide—would dominate. In the late 50s, contiones reached a peak that felt like both a culmination and a countdown [10][11][18].
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